A thin line between nuclear energy and atomic weapons
How can we guarantee access to peaceful nuclear energy while simultaneously preventing the development of atomic bombs? Are non-proliferation treaties and IAEA inspections enough to ensure international security? The question of proliferation, as old as the ‘Atoms for Peace’ initiative itself, has lost none of its relevance; as can be seen from the cases of Iran and North Korea.
The most important ingredient for an atomic bomb is weapons-grade quality uranium or plutonium, which is to say fuel that consists almost entirely of the fissile isotopes uranium 235 and plutonium 239. Obtaining even 10 or 20 kilograms of these radioisotopes – the critical mass required for a nuclear weapon – fortunately still requires extremely complicated procedures. There are currently two possible methods: the uranium pathway, which involves the isolation of the 0.7% of uranium 235 nuclei present in natural uranium, and the plutonium pathway, which relies on the production of plutonium 239 in specially-built reactors.
At the core of the proliferation issue is the question of access to these fissile materials and the technology required for their production. A thriving black market in nuclear fuel (luckily still dealing with small amounts) sprung up in the years of anarchy which followed the fall of the old Soviet Union. In 2004, the scientist responsible for the Pakistani nuclear bomb was revealed to be behind a worrying trade of centrifuges used in the enriching of uranium.
When a country is seeking to acquire a nuclear arsenal, the argument that such a stockpile serves as a deterrent is bound to be put forward sooner or later. Though this type of policy has not yet led to nuclear war, a far safer strategy would be to create an international climate where a nuclear deterrent would be irrelevant. Most countries have renounced all plans to obtain one, including such advanced nations as South Africa or Brazil.
The terrorist attacks of the 11th of September 2001 irrevocably changed the global situation. The United States began advocating preventive military strikes, a policy that requires meticulous intelligence gathering and preparation. The absence of the weapons of mass destruction used to justify the Iraq war has spread doubts in many minds as to America’s good faith on this critical issue.
In North Korea, a desperate regime sought salvation through plutonium enrichment and was able to carry out a nuclear test at the end of 2006. Iran has also develop enrichment technology in order to provide fuel to future nuclear power plants while denying any desire to create an atomic bomb.
Iran’s efforts to acquire nuclear power technology collided with an American scenario where all complex and exportable technologies (such as fuel enrichment and reprocessing) would be limited to a selected and select group of nations. These carefully vetted countries will take it upon themselves to supply others with fuel, and will be responsible for recycling all their radioactive waste.
Will we be forced to adopt such an inequitable distribution of energy to combat the risks of nuclear proliferation? To avoid this possible outcome, it is vital to end all those national and international conflicts which are causing instability and encouraging reversion to nuclear deterrents. The United States may favour a firmer approach, based on economic sanctions and possible military interventions, but an organised, peaceful and equitable world is the best guarantee against proliferation risks.